Archive for July, 2011

A bomb exploded in the center of Jerusalem …

Eleven dead and 74 wounded

But who cares?

By Ralph Dobrin

Author of “How to Avoid Armageddon”

To order the book click:   type: how to avoid Armageddon

“Bomb explodes in the center of Jerusalem (you could make that Tel Aviv, Haifa, Afula or and just about every other sizeable town or city in Israel). This is the kind of banner headline that has appeared hundreds of times during the last forty-four years on the front pages of Israeli newspapers. Accompanying sub-headings invariably announce a double-digit number of persons killed and another far larger number for the injured.

Gratifyingly, these outrages have become far less frequent in recent years. Those lucky enough never to have been hurt or close to such bombings, tend to forget how it used to be. Actually, they  have never really known … of the unspeakable horror; the thunderous blast splattering limbs, viscera, heads and chunks of burnt human flesh in different directions for hundreds of feet, immediately followed by a moment of stunned silence. Then the hysterical screams, the sobbing, wailing and groaning, and the sound of people stumbling on smashed glass and crushed mortar and slithering in pools of blood and guts, and the reeking stench of grilled meat.

Because it’s been such a regular occurrence in this country, Israel is supremely adept at clearing up the results of the blast. Within hours the ambulances remove all the dead and injured to hospitals, while, members of Zaka, a volunteer group that works to maximize the sanctity of each victim by ensuring that no one’s body parts are left on the scene, move in and somberly scrape up gory items from the road, pavement, walls and even branches of trees. Cleaning crews arrive with buckets, brooms, brushes and hose pipes. Glaziers refit shattered windows. Construction crews rebuild cratered tarmac and cracked walls. Police keep the crowds away and begin their search for the perpetrators, often still on the scene in the form of mangled remnants.

The dead are soon buried and mourned by their loved ones, year after year. For some the pain fades somewhat as life goes on; for others the memory of the missing loved-one keeps hurting as much as ever, even years and decades later.

However, within a few days, after the endless reports covering every known and assumed detail in connection with the terrorists and some of the dead, the media and the public quickly focus on other issues and the outrage is all but forgotten. It becomes yet another set of cold statistics. Date, time and place, number of dead, number of wounded, cost of the damage.

But statistics don’t deal with the survivors and their families. For many of these people, the blast is just the beginning of an unending nightmare.

Let’s take the case of Atsede (not her real name). The year is 1996 (just three years after the signing of the Peace Accords between Israel and the Arabs of Palestine). Peace is supposed to be in the air and Atsede is getting on a Number 18 bus near Jerusalem’s Central Bus Station. She’s 29 years old and she immigrated from Ethiopia five years earlier. She’s married and has three small children. Her husband works in a printing firm and she recently opened a dress shop near the market. Atsede has always loved pretty things. She’s a tall, very beautiful woman, who smiles easily. The bus is fairly full as she gets on, greeting an acquaintance who is sitting in one of the front seats, and pays the driver. A few more people get on after her. Just as the driver is about to close the door, a pleasant-looking, clean-shaven young man wearing a thick coat, gets on. He smiles at the driver and pays for a ticket. The bus pulls off slowly, easing into the heavy traffic of downtown Jerusalem.

Then suddenly the young man yells, “Allah Hua Akbar”, which is Arabic for God is Great. He pulls at the switch of a detonator in his coat pocket and …  

Atsede wakes up five weeks later. It takes her another three days to understand where she is and what happened to her. Pain-wracked body, foggy minded, she begins to recognize people. A man sitting by her bed – oh yes, it’s her husband. A woman comes into view – her older sister. At first Atsede can’t move at all or talk, but after a while, she is able to raise her head and mumble a few words. She still doesn’t know that she’s had five operations to remove shrapnel and sew up shredded organs and amputate a leg above the knee.

From the time of the signing of the peace accords in 1993 between Israel and the Palestine Arabs, headed by Yasser Arafat, there have been 168 suicide attacks until the time of this writing (July 2011) with 39 in Jerusalem alone. There are periods when bombings occur every single day. There would have been many more, but Israel’s security forces – the army, police and various intelligence agencies are working around the clock to stop additional bombings. Despite the anxiety entailed in simply getting onto a bus, walking in the street or entering a shop or restaurant, Israel’s citizens go about their daily routines like always. But everyone is wary. The bombings take place wherever there are crowds of people – even at schools and wedding halls. Bombings are even attempted in Israeli hospitals.

Meanwhile, Atsede is suffering from constant pain, discomfort, fear about her future, disappointment at not being able to fulfill personal ambitions and horror at losing a leg and having a scarred face. She is not alone in her predicament. Many victims of terror attacks are even more badly mangled. But very few people know about her or any of the other survivors. No one cares about her, apart from family – and for a while close friends – and of course the medical staff treating her and social workers with overloaded case schedules.

Names of the fatal victims are always dutifully printed in the newspapers and featured on TV. And then they are forgotten. It’s impossible for even the most concerned person to keep remembering ever more dead victims. Survivors, like Atsede, are seldom if ever, mentioned in name.

Reports in the media seldom say anything about lost limbs and permanently malfunctioning organs. They say nothing about the blast that keeps echoing in the victims’ minds; about the recurring, awful visions of fiery red in their minds; the sleepless nights; the pieces of shrapnel still embedded in bodies and in many cases causing permanent pain. They say nothing of jettisoned ambitions and ruined careers; nothing of families broken asunder. There’s simply a limit to what the media can convey.

Today, fifteen years later, there is still a hint that Atsede had once been a handsome woman; she gets around on her artificial leg, limping slightly. Her face is scarred in half a dozen little craters, and while presentable, has little of its former Abyssinian beauty. There are still dozens of tiny pieces of shrapnel embedded throughout her body. The terrorists prepared their bombs with the aim to wreak maximum damage on the victims. Iron filings, tiny ball bearings, nuts and bolts were included with malicious intent. So Atsede needs to take pain killers every day and night, perhaps for the rest of her life. Her ear drums were damaged  in the blast, leaving her hearing seriously impaired.

She lost her husband, too. A devoted man at the time of the blast, he didn’t want for the rest of his life, to look after a woman in pain much of the time, unable to prepare his meals as before or keep the house properly cleaned, or indulge him at night. One day, about a year after the blast, he slinked away to another town, broke off all contact with Atsede and their children and remarried. Atsede moved in with her older sister who helped raise her three children. In the few years she had lived in Israel before the blast, she had learned to speak and read Hebrew quite well, but since the blast much of what she had learned, has been forgotten and she despairs of ever being able to learn Hebrew properly. “My mind is fuzzy all the time,” she says. “Since the blast, I forget things and I just can’t learn anything new.” Also, her ambitions to once again open a dress shop in Jerusalem will probably never be realized. From time to time she finds some work as a seamstress, but she is unable to concentrate for any prolonged period or sit on a chair for more than a few minutes at a time. She will probably never remarry, dance or go for a pleasant stroll with her children and grandchildren.

Atsede and other terror victims like her are all but forgotten by society. They exist among us but we do not know who they are, or that they are people for whom life took a tragic turn in one moment of satanic evil. But Atsede still retains one thing from the time before the bombing. She still smiles readily. It’s probably an old habit from a time when life was very good to her. Clearly, those days are over for her – for ever. Like for most of the other survivors of terror attacks. They should be regarded as among the many unsung heroes of Israel. 

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July 25, 2011 at 11:29 am Leave a comment

Using lies to try and destroy a nation

The ultimate immorality


Author of “How to Avoid Armageddon”

Available through Amazon

In 1948 hundreds of thousands of Arabs who had been living in Palestine fled their homes and became refugees – and that’s the truth. During six days in June 1967 Israel attacked Jordan, Syria and Egypt and enlarged its territory considerably. This too, is the truth. Another truth is that Israel launched an intense military attack into the Gaza Strip on December 27, 2008, which lasted for about three weeks. All these statements are all easily verifiable and every rational person – no matter who and no matter where – with a little basic knowledge of the past or the means to check it out can accept that these statements are true.

Behind these truths are many other truths about the Israel-Arab conflict – that are just as easily verified as the above-mentioned ones, but which most people either don’t know or choose to ignore.

For instance, Palestine used to be a much larger country – almost six times as large as present-day Israel within the “green line.” Another fact is that in 1922, the League of Nations confirmed a resolution to set up a Jewish national home in Palestine, based on the famous Balfour Declaration. A few weeks earlier, Britain, which had a mandate from the League of Nations to facilitate this resolution, cut off 77% of Palestine in order to establish a purely Arab state, Trans-Jordan, which was to become the Kingdom of Jordan. Then, in 1947 the rest of what remained of Palestine, was to be further partitioned in accordance with United Nations Resolution 181, which would enable the establishment of yet another Arab state in Palestine, and that long-awaited promised homeland for the Jewish people would be set up on about one-eighth of what had originally been Palestine.

But there was a serious snag. The Arab nations categorically rejected Jewish sovereignty on any part of Palestine, and launched a war with the loudly declared aim of destroying the nascent Jewish state. However, the Jews did what any other nation would have done – they defended themselves, and despite general predictions of defeat and destruction, the Jewish forces more than held their own and eventually repulsed most of the Arab armies, with the exception of the Jordanian Army, which took over the Eastern Part of Jerusalem and Judea and Samaria. There is no problem verifying these claims in any dependable history book of the Middle East, whether Jewish, Arab (written in those times) or by any other neutral source.

But once the war was over, Jordan did not pull its forces out of Arab Palestinian territory. Instead, it actually prevented the establishment of an independent Arab state of Palestine by unilaterally annexing its territory, in a move that was not internationally recognized. This is something that most people today either don’t know or choose to ignore.

So, how did Israel get to occupy the West Bank? Again, what many people either don’t know or choose to ignore, is that in June 1967, all the neighboring countries suddenly massed their armies along Israel’s borders, making it absolutely clear that they were about to invade Israel and put an end to the Jewish entity once and for all. Interestingly, there was absolutely no Jewish presence in the West Bank then.

Vastly outnumbered and outgunned and with its central border a mere nine miles from the sea, Israel once again faced annihilation. Israel tried diplomacy, turning to the United Nations and countries with good contacts in the Arab world. But the U.N. responded to the crisis by summarily pulling out its peace-keeping forces from the Egyptian-Israel border, while Israel’s friends in the family of nations – predominantly France (at that time), and the USA, had suddenly forgotten or even abrogated signed commitments and diplomatic agreements with the seriously threatened state.

So, what was Israel to do? It could not allow itself to be invaded, because it would have literally been swept into the sea by the vastly superior Arab forces poised on its long, indefensible borders. Consequently, Israel launched a blitz-krieg – in the south pre-emptively (although Egypt’s closure of the Straits of Tiran represented an act of war), and against Jordan and Syria after they had first launched massive bombardments.

By repulsing the enemy armies, Israel gained an area almost three times its size. Interestingly, when Israel’s very existence had been gravely threatened, apart from warning Israel not to attack, few countries and the United Nations itself, seemed unduly perturbed. But now, after the Arab armies had been vanquished and Israel’s armed forces had taken over territories from which Israel’s destruction was to have been launched, the international community promptly reacted with great indignation. Dozens of non-Arab and non-Islamic states broke off diplomatic relations with Israel. There was a demand for Israel to immediately withdraw from these territories.

Strange, this sudden concern by the nations of the world, for the territorial integrity of Arab countries that had been about to destroy a fellow-state. Many of these nations had time and again forcibly taken territory from neighboring peoples. And anyway, throughout history, in war, it has always been the winning side that kept the territory upon which battles had been fought, or at least decided what to do with the territory. But not in Israel’s case. Even though, unlike most wars, this one had not been caused by some mundane disagreement on borders or shipping or commercial rights. This had been a war brought on by the Arabs’ repeated, unequivocal declarations and actions to destroy a neighboring country.

Over the years since then, there have been more wars between Israel and the neighboring Arab countries and militia armies; there have been thousands of terrorist attacks against Jewish civilians; Israel has built Jewish towns and settlements in the West Bank; Jordan relinquished its right to the West Bank; there have been peace treaties – sans much friendliness – with Egypt and Jordan. There have also been peace negotiations with the Palestinian Arabs, which have progressively led to ever-more hostility on the part of the Arabs, no matter how many concessions Israel makes to Arab demands.

Yet the focus of international attention on Israel has never been more intense. Neither has the onus on it for Arab-Israel conflict. Many of the accusations leveled against Israel are easily refuted by historical record and by current events, yet selective omission of vital facts lead to the felonious perceptions of Israel. For instance the claim that Israel is expansionist and wants to conquer and keep Arab lands, is easily countered by asking why, if Israel were really expansionist, has it returned over 90% of the lands it conquered in its many wars of defense? Tellingly, it has ceded the Sinai Peninsula to Egypt, not once but on three separate occasions! Each time after Sinai had previously been used as a staging point by Egypt for invasions against Israel?

Similarly, if Israel were really expansionist, why did its armed forces withdraw from a large part of Judea and Samaria in the framework of the Oslo Peace Accords? But here too, the army has needed to return from time to time to the vacated areas in order to cope with the intense terrorist activity. We have seen exactly the same pattern regarding Gaza, where in 2005, Israel dismantled all its settlements and withdrew all its armed forces – only to face an immediate intense escalation of missile attacks, which was checked after Israel’s Gaza invasion in 2009. Therefore, claiming that Israel is expansionist is yet another gross misrepresentation of the facts and ignores the part played by Israel’s adversaries in exacerbating this conflict.

The present hullabaloo about Gaza and the repeated headline-catching attempts of activists from Europe and America trying to break Israel’s blockade with “aid ships” presents a classic example of a totally one-sided approach against Israel, giving support to one of the most wantonly warlike and brutal regimes on earth. These activists completely ignore the endless rocket attacks launched against Israel’s towns and villages from Gaza; they deny Israel any right to defend itself (which is the only reason for the blockade), while making unfounded assertions about international law; they claim a humanitarian crisis when none exists and turn a blind eye to the fact that Israel facilitates daily supplies of food and other commodities to a regime bent upon its own destruction – surely a unique situation in the annals of history.

The truth is that Israel, one of the smaller nations in the world is trying desperately to prevent yet another genocide on its people, while being hamstrung by media bias, international sanctions, boycotts and censure every time it tries to defend itself.

There are a number of pragmatic reasons for this peculiar situation. There’s oil, which the Arab countries have in greater supply than anyone else, and which therefore gives them enormous wealth and global political influence. Then there’s the United Nations, which has a very large number of Arab, Muslim and Third World member states, which automatically form a strong anti-Israel bloc. There are also the terrible images of devastation of Arab towns presented in the media whenever the conflict escalates, and that seldom offer much objective commentary on what prompted Israel to launch these bombings in the first place. Furthermore, judging by the far harsher singling out of beleaguered Israel for condemnation in comparison with the truly repressive, belligerent countries such as Sudan, Zimbabwe, North Korea, Indonesia, Myanmar, China and others, anti-Semitism is probably yet another factor. Although, in today’s world where overt racism in the media and in all government capacities is unacceptable, anti-Semitism has taken on an anti-Zionist and anti-Israel twist.

Israel’s vulnerability is seriously aggravated by the enormous stockpiles of hundreds of thousands of rockets of all sizes in all the neighboring countries, in addition to Iran’s nuclear weapons programs. Furthermore, the regime changes throughout the Arab world might very well lead to even more fundamentalistic Islamic influence and fury, heralding a situation in which Israel will find its back to the wall with very little chance of defending itself.

And yet, despite this precarious situation, the pressure on Israel to unconditionally relinquish even more territory to its foes, has never been greater. Clearly, it is not morality and justice that the nations are concerned about in this uniquely uneven conflict. It’s regular oil supplies at stable prices, global power struggles, international politics and old fashioned racial antipathy. It’s a gigantic degree of hypocrisy. In other words, it’s mainly lies, half-truths, cynical selective omission of vital factors and blinkered vision that form the basis of international acquiescence to the generations-long Arab and Islamic gang-up against Israel. In short, it’s plain dishonesty and immorality – on a monumental scale.

That is what people everywhere should realize when they take sides in this mortal conflict.

Ralph Dobrin is the author of “How to Avoid Armageddon,” published by Old Line Publishing and available through Amazon.

July 8, 2011 at 8:16 am Leave a comment


Ignoring international law

and history 

Ted Belman is a retired lawyer from Toronto, Canada, now living in Israel. For about nine years he has been the editor and moving force behind Israpundit, ( one of the most comprehensive and dependable portals on what is really happening in the Middle East. Every day Israpundit presents topical articles, written by himself and other pundits (hence the name “Israpundit”). A recent article is “Jewish legal rights to Judea and Samaria,” by Jerold S. Auerbach that appeared in the Jewish Press. It offers one of the clearest explanations on the legalities of this shamelessly obfuscated subject. We present here an abridged version of the article, with a link to the complete article.


By Jerold S. Auerbach, Jewish Press

Would the creation of a Palestinian state by vote of the United Nations General Assembly, expected in September, be illegal? Yes, according to a recent letter to UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon. Signed by an array of lawyers, law professors and international law experts, it asks him to block the forthcoming resolution, promoted by the Palestinian Authority, for recognition of a Palestinian state within the 1949 Armistice lines.

The letter was drafted by lawyers affiliated with the Legal Forum for the Land of Israel, a non-profit organization founded in 2004. Their letter argues that such a resolution would contravene UN Security Council Resolutions adopted after the Six-Day and Yom Kippur wars. It would be “in stark violation” of existing agreements between Israel and the Palestinians.

“The legal basis for the establishment of the State of Israel,” they indicate, goes back to 1922 when the League of Nations affirmed “the establishment of a national home for the Jewish People in the historical area of the Land of Israel.”

Empowered to enact international law for the new postwar world order, the League conferred on Great Britain a Mandate for Palestine. “Palestine” was defined as the land east and west of the Jordan River, now comprising Jordan, the West Bank and Israel.

But in what became the first partition of Palestine, now long forgotten or ignored (even by Israeli government officials), the British government lopped off all the land east of the Jordan River, three-quarters of the designated Mandatory territory, and bestowed it upon Abdullah, son of the Sharif of Mecca, for his own kingdom of Trans-Jordan.

The entire remainder, west of the Jordan to the Mediterranean, was redefined as “Palestine” and designated for the “Jewish National Home,” a phrase borrowed from Lord Balfour’s famous letter of November 2, 1917. But the League went beyond that vague and indeterminate assurance. Article 6 of the Palestine Mandate explicitly protected “close settlement by Jews” in the shrunken land to be called Palestine.

That guarantee remains the international legal foundation for Jewish settlements built ever since the Six-Day War returned Israel to its ancient Jewish homeland. It has never been rescinded.

Any General Assembly attempt to create a Palestinian state in that territory would violate an array of international guarantees. Among them, most crucially, is Article 80 of the UN Charter. It explicitly protected the rights of “any peoples or the terms of existing international instruments to which members of the United Nations may respectively be parties.”

Article 80 became known as “the Palestine clause.” It preserved, under international law, the rights of the Jewish people to “close settlement” in all the land west of the Jordan River, even after the British Mandate had expired and the League of Nations had ceased to exist.

Those rights were flagrantly violated when Jordan invaded the fledgling Jewish state and claimed sovereignty over the West Bank in 1949. But the Jordanian claim had no standing in international law and was never recognized.

After the Six-Day War, Security Council Resolution 242 permitted Israel to administer the West Bank until “a just and lasting peace in the Middle East” was achieved. That, of course, has not yet happened. Even then, however, Israel would only be required to withdraw its armed forces “from territories” – not from “the territories” or “all the territories” (proposals that were defeated in both the Security Council and the General Assembly).

No prohibition – or even limitation – on Jewish settlement, guaranteed west of the Jordan River under the League of Nations Mandate forty-five years earlier, was adopted.

As the Legal Forum letter indicates, “1967 borders” (so labeled recently by President Obama) “do not exist, and have never existed.” Under the terms of the 1949 Armistice Agreements between Israel and the invading Arab states, the newly established “Armistice Demarcation Lines” were “without prejudice to future territorial settlements or boundary lines.”

Therefore, the letter signers conclude, those borders “cannot be accepted or declared to be the international boundaries of a Palestinian state.”

Should the UN General Assembly approve the current Palestinian proposal, the Palestinians would also be in “fundamental breach” of the 1995 Israeli-Palestinian Accord, when the signatories agreed not to attempt to change the status of contested territory before permanent status negotiations were concluded – certainly not before they were even begun.

*    *    *

Critics from the secular left (in Israel) have been unrelenting in their castigation of settlements. In Lords of the Land (2007), the first comprehensive history of the settlement movement, historian Idith Zertal and Ha’aretz journalist Akiva Eldar lacerated settlers for their illegal occupation of “Palestinian” land. The “malignancy of occupation,” they wrote, “in contravention of international law,” has “brought Israel’s democracy to the brink of an abyss.”

But persistent efforts to undermine the legitimacy of Israeli settlements, wrote international legal expert Julius Stone thirty years ago, are nothing less than a “subversion of basic international law principles.” They still are. Yet the United Nations, with an international constituency that has been relentlessly hostile to Israel ever since it first hallucinated that “Zionism is racism” in 1975, keeps trying.

Catering to international support for Palestinian victimization claims, the International Criminal Court, established by the UN General Assembly in 1998, made Jewish settlement a “war crime.” But Israel (like the United States) “unsigned” from the statute of authorization for the Court; furthermore, as international legal scholar Jeremy Rabkin indicates, the Court lacks jurisdiction over (alleged) “crimes” committed before 2002. By then, virtually all the currently existing Jewish settlements had already been established. That renders any designation of settlements as “war crimes” meaningless ex post facto rhetoric – although not without power to elicit ever more anti-Israel venom.

The question never asked is whether a Palestinian state in the land reserved under international law for “close settlement” by Jews is even legal. The Jewish claim, forged by three thousand years of history in the Land of Israel, including two eras of national sovereignty, reinforced in the modern era by a succession of international legal guarantees, is indisputable.

The Palestinian claim, by contrast, is a contrived recent invention. Devised by Arabs who only recently identified themselves as “Palestinians,” it is built on the foundation of perpetual victimization claims, the international determination to delegitimize Israel, and – perhaps most revealing – the pillaging of Jewish and Zionist history.

“Palestine” was so named by the Romans after they crushed the Bar Kochba rebellion in 133 CE. Any ancestors of present-day Palestinians who may have lived in Palestine under Ottoman or British rule were considered by others, and by themselves, to be Arabs. In 1948, without undue protest, they became Jordanians.

Not until the creation of the PLO by Arab states at the Arab League Summit (1964) did they become “Palestinians.” It took another decade, which included the stunning victory of Israel in the Six-Day War, before statehood was mentioned on the Palestinian wish list.

The validity of the Palestinian historical claim can be measured by its sources – nearly all of which, revealingly, are Jewish. In a remarkable inversion, a people without an identifiable national identity or history until well into the 20th century has plundered Zionist history to create its own illusory past in a land that was never theirs.

Relying on the Hebrew Bible, Palestinians (like Arabs throughout the Middle East) claim Ishmael, Abraham’s son by his servant Hagar, as their founding ancestor. They adopted as their ancient forebears the Canaanites, who, according to the biblical narrative, were displaced by conquering Israelites. (Palestinian history not only invents itself; it anticipates itself.)

Insisting that Jews never had national commonwealths in the Land of Israel many centuries before the birth of Islam, Palestinians reject irrefutable historical and archeological evidence to the contrary.

So, too – like Muslims throughout the Middle East – they resolutely deny that there ever was a Temple in Jerusalem and that the Western Wall has been a Jewish holy site ever since its destruction in 70 CE. Yet triumphant Islam built the Dome of the Rock and Al-Aksa mosque on the Temple Mount precisely because it had been sacred Jewish space.

In Hebron, similarly, Muslim conquerors seized the Cave of the Patriarchs and Matriarchs where Jews had already worshipped at the graves of their biblical ancestors for more than ten centuries. Transforming it into a mosque, Muslims barred Jewish “infidels” from entry for seven hundred years – until the Six-Day War forced open the doors.

Even the flotillas to Gaza are modeled after the rickety refugee ships that tried to bring desperate Jews, fleeing from Nazi terror and extermination, to Palestine before and after World War II. The most famous of these was the Exodus, with thousands of Holocaust survivors on board, turned away by the British government in 1947. Any resemblance is, of course, purely intentional – and patently absurd.

Might there be an alternative to Palestinian usurpation of the ancient Jewish homeland? Certainly West Bank Palestinians must be guaranteed the right to remain in place, living in their cities and villages and farming their land. They should have the option of citizenship in the Kingdom of Jordan, occupying two-thirds of Mandatory Palestine, where more than half the population is already Palestinian.

Jewish settlements, and other land legally owned by Jews in Judea and Samaria, would become part of the Jewish state. On Israeli land there would be no distinctive restrictions on development. A joint Israeli-Palestinian police force could continue to patrol the land between Palestinian and Jewish communities, as has now been done for nearly twenty years.

At the Western Wall (in June 1967) Defense Minister Moshe Dayan promised the victorious nation: “We have returned to all that is holy in our land. We have returned never to be parted from it again.”

President Obama demands otherwise. His insistence on the 1949 Armistice lines as the framework for negotiation, his determination to propel Palestinian statehood by the end of this year, and his silence on the Palestinian “right of return” to Israel … (clearly indicate that he has chosen to ignore international law and history.)

For the complete article:

Jerold S. Auerbach is the author of “Brothers at War: Israel and the Tragedy of the Altalena,” published in May by Quid Pro Books.

July 5, 2011 at 7:05 am Leave a comment